Friday roundup: Lightning win $250m in tax money for 6-year lease extension, Missouri holds secret talks on Royals stadium

We have a bunch of new followers here thanks largely to all the tumult over the Kansas City Chiefs stadium deal, so it’s worth another mention that Field of Schemes continues to exist after almost 28 years thanks to the kindness of its readers. If you have any money left after donating to help the families of government-kidnapped five-year-olds [UPDATE: Or all the other less adorable Minnesotans who can use help], you can chip in to support this site here — you’ll even get some amusing refrigerator magnets in appreciation, if we can still even be amused in 2026.

And speaking of trying to wring amusement from horror, here is your weekly dose of stadium and arena bullet points:

  • Hillsborough County approved $250 million in arena renovations for the Tampa Bay Lightning in exchange for a six-year lease extension, which at $41.7 million per year would be one of the priciest per-year lease extensions in sports history.  Lightning owner Jeffrey Vinik could still request state sales tax money on top of this as well — if he does in exchange for no more years of lease extension, that would be a per-year cost of infinity, which would be an unbreakable record.
  • Officials from Kansas City, Missouri and Jackson County traveled to meet with Gov. Mike Kehoe on Wednesday about the Royals stadium situation, and no you can’t know what they talked about, that’s for Royals owner John Sherman to find out and you not to find out until it’s all been hashed out. Both Kansas City Mayor Quinton Lucas and Interim Jackson County Executive Phil LeVota said they hope to strike a stadium deal with Sherman by the end of spring training; while we’re hoping things, let’s hope that this threesome focuses on getting a good deal, and not just a deal that is resolved quickly.
  • An Indiana senate committee cast a vote on Wednesday that “establishes the necessary funding to pay for the construction of a new Chicago Bears stadium,” according to WGN, but actually just creates a stadium authority, as we discussed last week. Also the full Indiana state senate still has to vote on it, and then the state house has to, before even this can become law, but don’t let that stop reporters from calling this a “bidding war.”
  • Dallas Mavericks execs have narrowed their arena site search to two locations, one an undisclosed one downtown and one at an abandoned mall site that, uh, is already getting redeveloped? Only having two prospective sites, both in the same city, wouldn’t bode super well for Mavs owners Patrick and Sivan Dumont’s leverage in demanding taxpayer money to build the thing, but they still have land in Irving they could consider using as a threat, as one does.
  • The Buffalo Sabres owners have hired a lobbyist to seek state funding of a $400 million renovation of their arena, good thing New York state has plenty of money for that.
  • The Sphere people want to build another Sphere, this time smaller and in the D.C. suburbs, using a tax increment financing district to siphon off property taxes to pay to build it. That’s okay, though, because Prince George’s County Executive Aisha Braveboy and Maryland Gov. Wes Moore say a Sphere would generate $1 billion in economic impact [citation needed], so everything should be fine [citation needed].
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Chiefs lawyer says spending $4B in tax money on stadium will cost nothing, because pie

The commerce committees of the Kansas state house and senate spent an hour yesterday investigating the “real facts” of the Kansas City Chiefs stadium deal, as House commerce chair Sean Tarwater put it, and naturally enough they started by talking to … the Chiefs’ lawyer?

Korb Maxwell, the attorney representing the Chiefs, repeatedly asserted that the team’s move is all upside for Kansas taxpayers — a claim that experts have cast doubt on. “It’s a great day to be a Kansas taxpayer because we pulled . . . all of this off without raising taxes on Kansas taxpayers, without using any base revenues from the State General Fund, and without pleading the full faith and credit of our state to the bonds,” said Maxwell, who called Kansas’ STAR bonds “tried, true and tested.”

Maxwell is correct that the Chiefs stadium would not directly raise taxes — it would only siphon off future taxes as spending rises with inflation, forcing the state to raise other taxes if it wants to backfill to pay for the services that money would otherwise have covered. And he’s likewise correct that it won’t use “base revenues” from the general fund, at least unless the state chooses to backdate the baseline year for the tax increment in order to keep the STAR bonds from being underwater, in which case it absolutely will.

And Maxwell didn’t stop there:

Maxwell said that if the stadium were privately owned, the $1.8 billion in STAR bond funds would be subject to federal income taxes and 45% of the public incentive money would end up in Washington D.C. “That would blow a huge hole in the budget for this project, and frankly would not allow it to move forward,” Maxwell said. “The fix to that is having a public authority.”

What? No, that’s only if they funded the stadium using private bonds, it has nothing to do with who owns the building. Also, there hasn’t been a tax bracket as high as 45% since the Carter administration, are you drunk, sir?

State Rep. Rui Xu then pushed back on the “no new taxes” trope, pointing out that “even if we just have inflation — let’s say 3% over 30 years — that means prices in 30 years will be 150% what they are today, just with compounding. And if we’re not allowed to capture that full growth . . . I don’t see how it’s possible that the priorities can’t shift as a result of just that.” To which Maxwell replied, “This is really about growing the pie for our state, not just arguing over the current pie out there,” which is either missing the point entirely or grasping the point and attempting to redirect people’s attention through images of sweet, beautiful new pie.

These are all good reasons to call people for testimony who are not the mouthpiece for the entity lined up to get a $4 billion check from your state, but commerce committees gonna commerce committee. Fortunately, some other Kansas locals are asking other pointed questions:

  • Wyandotte County and the city of Kansas City, Kansas, which share government leadership, are still considering whether to kick in their own shares of sales taxes from the stadium district so the state isn’t on the hook for all of it. (Wyandotte and KCK would benefit by, I dunno, something about pie?) The city and county’s chief financial officer, Shelley Kneuvean, said her staff will be conducting an independent financial analysis to figure out how to devote future city and county tax revenues without adversely affecting public services, good luck with that.
  • State senator Kenny Titus expressed concern that the Chiefs could move again once their lease runs out in 30 years, leaving an empty stadium. “We absolutely plan to be there for the very long term,” replied Maxwell, though not in any kind of legally binding way.
  • The city and county are already redirecting more than $5 million a year to pay off four other STAR bond projects, including the Kansas Speedway, reports the Kansas City Star.
  • Speaking of the Kansas Speedway project, Rep. Lynn Melton has some thoughts on that: “I went to the community meetings, and we were told that once the bonds were paid off, there’s going to be no school bonds being floated, our taxes will go down because there will be all this revenue. And now we’ve seen the STAR bonds paid off early, that’s all fine and dandy, but we’ve not seen any of that.”

These are all issues that could use more attention, if Maxwell weren’t soaking it all up himself. Maybe first do the independent financial analysis, then ask the team spokesperson about the findings, rather than acting like a real estate lawyer understands how the substitution effect works? Just a thought.

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Rays don’t have to threaten Orlando move to get billions from Tampa, because county official is doing it for them

If there’s one basic principle in negotiations of any kind, it’s to hold your cards tight and not give your opponent any unnecessary leverage. Even if you want to ultimately agree to a deal, to get the best one possible for your side you want to keep your focus on your own advantages, and don’t let — oh just never mind:

“I believe that it’s either going to be located at (Hillsborough College) or the team’s going to be in Orlando,” [Hillsborough County Commissioner Ken] Hagan said on a sports radio show Wednesday. “The reality is the they have significantly more bed tax revenue than we do, and they’ve been pushing for a team.”

Let’s say that it’s true that Orlando officials are likely to jump to throw money at the Tampa Bay Rays if Tampa does not. (They haven’t before now, but also former Rays owner Stuart Sternberg was mostly focused on playing off cities in Tampa Bay against each other, plus Montreal for some reason.) Or even let’s just say that Hagan believes that Orlando will jump to lure the Rays, and that new Rays owner Patrick Zalupski would be willing to move there. You still don’t say that out loud! Not when your city and county are about to have to negotiate unspecified “incentives” to help Zalupski build a new stadium on the campus of Hillsborough College, on top of $1 billion or more in land and tax breaks.

Hagan said something similar back in September when Zalupski first bought the Rays, declaring, “If for any reason we’re unable to get over the finish line, then the team may ultimately be in Orlando. It’s Tampa’s to lose.” But this week’s statement was phrased as even more of a threat on Zalupski’s behalf.

There’s been a lot of speculation over the years about why local elected officials do the bidding of sports team owners when they don’t have to, most of which come down to the ideas that they’re 1) stupid or 2) on the take. (My leading theory remains that they’re just doing what all the lobbyists and other people at the right parties are telling them to do.) But statements like Hagan’s betray a deeper problem: Many elected officials just want to make team owners happy, regardless of the cost to taxpayers. Announcing that the Rays will move to Orlando without subsidies in Tampa is horrible tactics — it will almost certainly raise the eventual public cost — but it does increase the chances that Tampa will win the right to shower Zalupski with money, and if that’s the only goal, then Hagan has done his job perfectly.

This has been Hagan’s M.O. for a long while now, back to when he declared the “sense of urgency” around building a Rays stadium to be “borderline dire” way back in 2013. Normally I would warn that being the commissioner who cried wolf will stop you from being taken seriously, but here Hagan is still getting headlines in the Tampa Bay Times with his dire warnings, so I guess it works different when you’re a county commissioner-for-life.

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Rays owners probably demanding another $1b stadium subsidy in Tampa, counting free land and tax breaks

The Tampa Bay Rays‘ proposed memorandum of understanding with Hillsborough College on a site for a new stadium is out, and the initial news coverage of same tells us next to nothing we want to know about who’ll actually pay for what. So let’s go to the actual document and see what’s what, then reconvene at the bottom to try to estimate a total subsidy cost:

The Property is an approximately 113 acre-site located in Tampa, Florida, bounded by W. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Boulevard, N. Lois Avenue, W. Tampa Bay Boulevard., and N. Dale Mabry Highway

This is Hillsborough College’s Dale Mabry Campus, which would largely be turned over to the Rays, with the college building new facilities on one corner of the property. How much room the campus will get to retain “shall be agreed to in the Definitive Agreements,” which are TBD.

HC and the Rays will negotiate in good faith to agree on an ownership and financing structure and the conditions precedent for the contribution of the Property by HC.

I.e,, final lease terms, including things like whether the Rays will pay any rent for the state-owned site, are also TBD.

The Rays will construct a mixed-use development that may consist of, but is not limited to, hotels, retail space, multifamily buildings, sports and health related buildings, commercial buildings, parking structures, restaurants and other related buildings (“Mixed-Use Development”). The Parties acknowledge that the Rays will have sole and exclusive control over the Mixed-Use Development, during and after construction. The scope of the Mixed-Use Development will be determined as part of the Definitive Agreements

In addition to a stadium, Rays owner Patrick Zalupski will get to build a whole new neighborhood, as former team owner Stuart Sternberg planned to do at St. Petersburg’s Gas Plant District before backing out of that deal early last year. All revenues from that project will go to Zalupski, nothing to the land’s state taxpayer owners.

HC will ground lease the entire Property, except for the College District, to the Rays or a Rays’ affiliate by long-term lease of not less than 99 years.

Since Hillsborough College is a state facility, the property will be exempt from property taxes, including the parcel the team plans to build its mixed-use district on. Also, hey, it’s another 90-plus-year lease, just like the Washington Commanders deal! Lease terms TBD, of course, but it means that any discounted rent could add up to one hell of a lot, as it did for the $6.6 billion Commanders subsidy.

(Economist Geoff Propheter, who crunched the numbers for the Commanders deal, delivers the mic drop on this via email: “If there’s an upside to all of these stupidly long land leases that are so common in sports, I won’t be alive to remind people that I told them so.”)

The Parties anticipate the prominence and activity generated by the Project that will significantly enhance HC’s visibility, strengthen its community presence, and create valuable opportunities for outreach, partnerships, and student engagement.

LOL.

The Rays will pursue various economic incentive programs at the local and state levels in connection with the Project

You didn’t think Zalupski would be content with getting to build his stadium on state-provided tax-free land, did you? Florida already has a sports slush fund that draws on state sales tax dollars, and Hillsborough County and the city of Tampa could always offer tax breaks as well.

The MOU has already been unanimously approved by Hillsborough College’s board of trustees and has the backing of Gov. Ron DeSantis, who has a long history with Zalupski, appointing him to the University of Florida’s board of trustees after Zalupski gave $250,000 to his Super PAC. DeSantis said yesterday that while he wouldn’t help fund the stadium itself, he would consider spending to move a juvenile jail currently on the site and, in the words of the Tampa Bay Times, “help pay for roads and sewers to prevent traffic jams,” which suggests some innovative mass transit solutions.

So, what are we talking about in terms of public cost? It’s hard to say until we see the final lease agreement, but Propheter does provide a figure for the value of the land itself: $250 million if the college were to sell it, between $582 million and $1.7 billion (in present value) if they leased it. Add in whatever Zalupski would get in tax breaks (Propheter can’t estimate those yet because he doesn’t know how much the stadium and development would be appraised at), state road and sewer spending, and any “economic incentives,” and it all seems very likely to exceed the $1 billion that Sternberg rejected one year ago. All this has to get approved by the state and likely Hillsborough County and the city of Tampa as well, of course, but never bet against team owners finding a greater fool.

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The two very different ways the Chiefs stadium public funding plan can fail

The Kansas City Star ran an informative article on Sunday on questions still outstanding about the plan to give Kansas City Chiefs owner Clark Hunt $2.8 billion in Kansas state tax money to build a new stadium, (With other tax breaks and financing charges, the total cost to the state would end up more like $4 billion.) “How exactly — or easily — will Kansas generate enough sales tax revenue to pay for the bonds?” ask sports reporter Sam McDowell and government reporter Matthew Kelly. “Will potential investors see them as too risky?”

Opinions, as they will, differ. University of Chicago finance professor Justin Marlowe tells the Star, “I think it’s fair to say that they won’t have any trouble selling these bonds,” but the article also notes that “vocal detractors [are] questioning whether the math will add up to bring the project to fruition.”

To understand the dispute here, let’s take a step back and talk about how bonds work. A government entity — in this case, the state of Kansas — sells bonds to private investors, effectively borrowing the money from these investors and repaying them with interest. One kind of bonds is general revenue bonds, which are repaid with cash from the state treasury, a source that is essentially bottomless unless Kansas declares bankruptcy. The STAR bonds, however, are dedicated tax bonds, meaning the only pool of money they can use to repay bondholders comes from specific tax revenue streams — in this case, increased sales and liquor taxes from within a designated stadium district.

If you’re drawing up a dedicated tax bond, the first trick is to make sure that that pool of tax revenue you’re setting aside to pay bondholders with is actually enough to cover your principal and interest payments. One way to do that is to make the stadium district really, really big: The preliminary sketch covers 293 square miles, including all of Wyandotte County (where Kansas City, Kansas is and where the Chiefs stadium would go) and a large chunk of Johnson County to the south (where the Chiefs practice facility would be built, in the city of Olathe). And the state could still make the district even bigger, which would increase the tax pool that could be used to pay off the bonds.

Another option for bringing in more money is to redefine what “increased” means in “increased sales and liquor taxes.” STAR bonds utilize incremental tax revenues, meaning the state locks in the current amount of taxes being collected in the stadium district, sets that aside to keep going to  the general fund, then allocates any money above that level to be siphoned off for the development project. (The idea behind this is that all the new tax revenues wouldn’t have happened without the development, so it’s free money; we’ll get back to that in a minute.) “Current,” though, could mean 2026, or 2025, or 2015 for all you want — Kansas officials haven’t yet set a baseline for what year they’ll be calculating the increment relative to, and the earlier they go, the more money will be siphoned off.

And there’s yet a third option, which is to throw additional taxes into the pot. STAR bonds are by law only allowed to use sales and liquor taxes, but so far it’s only the state that’s approved kicking in its share of taxes. State officials are also asking Wyandotte County and the cities of Kansas City and Olathe to kick in county and city sales taxes — something that local officials would be crazy to go along with, given that it would just shift costs from the state to the county and cities, but the state is leaning hard on them to do so.

If the amount of revenue collected by an expanded stadium district, a flexible tax baseline, and grabbing local tax revenues isn’t enough, what happens? The bondholders would have no recourse to make the state pay them out of the general fund, so they would end up taking a loss on their investment. That’s a risk, and the way that bond buyers deal with risk is to demand a higher interest rate, something that Marlowe says could end up being a part of the Chiefs deal:

Kansas officials have emphatically said taxpayers won’t be left on the hook if the project fails to live up to expectations. Having no security pledge on the bonds would very likely ratchet up the cost of debt service payments, Marlowe said.

“Investors are going to see the bonds as more risky, and they’re going to price that into the yields that they demand to buy the bonds,” he said.

A higher interest rate means the state would need more money to pay off the bonds — Patrick Tuohey of the Better Cities Project has speculated the rate could be as high as 6% — which means that the state would have to expand the stadium district, reset the baseline, or include more local taxes to pay them off. With that in mind, it’s more likely that the state would just make those adjustments up front, creating a bigger tax revenue pool and calming bondholders’ fears enough that interest rates can be kept to a dull roar.

And if the revenue collected is indeed enough to pay off the bonds, everything is cool, right? If you’re a nervous bondholder-to-be worried about your investment, sure. If you’re a Kansas resident, though, not so much: Siphoning off taxes from a bigger area, from more of the existing tax base, and from more jurisdictions makes it way more likely that you’re eating into tax revenue that has nothing to do with the Chiefs, and which in the absence of a stadium deal would be collected by the state and used to pay for public services. To take this to the most absurd extreme: Kansas could legally expand the stadium district to be the size of the entire state, and set the baseline back to 1861 when Kansas was first admitted to the union — that would thrill bond buyers, but would also effectively mean that the state’s entire budget could be used to pay off Hunt’s stadium bills, despite the fact that Kansas had a functioning economy before the Chiefs arrived.

When people ask “Will the Chiefs stadium pay for itself?” then, it’s really conflating two different questions: Will the amount of tax money Kansas is setting aside be enough to pay off its bonds? and Can the state pay for this without costing Kansas taxpayers money they otherwise could use for schools and roads and whatever? At this point, the answers to those two questions appear to be “sure, maybe, depending” and “hahahahaha LOL no.” They’re both going to be important as the Chiefs stadium deal continues to be negotiated — and make no mistake, there’s still lots of negotiating to go — but it’s important to keep in mind that there are two different ways for a stadium deal to fail, and it can be a success on the bond market and still be disastrous for state residents.

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Friday roundup: Rays target stadium site, Bears seek Indiana stadium authority, Chiefs pursue local tax money

Sorry for the late post today — I think all the images of people getting shot in the face and pulled screaming from their cars are starting to interfere with my sleep schedule. No matter what else is going on, though, the stadium and arena shakedowns continue, so let’s get to the news that we didn’t already cover this week:

  • Tampa Bay Rays owner and Gov. Ron DeSantis pal Patrick Zalupski is reportedly in advanced talks to buy the state-owned Hillsborough College’s Dale Mabry Campus in Tampa for the site of a new stadium and surrounding development. (The college’s 20,000 students would possibly get a new campus elsewhere as part of a “land swap” for something or other.) How the money for any of this would work is as yet a mystery — the Hillsborough board of trustees will meet on Tuesday to discuss the plan, at which point we’ll learn a bit more, maybe.
  • The Indiana state senate is considering a bill to create a stadium authority in Northwest Indiana to lure the Chicago Bears, which would have precisely the same effect as me opening a bank account to use to buy a yacht: nothing at all, until somebody puts some money in it. (The bill language would give the authority bonding capacity, but no set revenue streams to pay off any bonds.) Bears officials nonetheless called it a “significant milestone” in their talks of getting a stadium in Indiana, guess you gotta celebrate your achievements where you can find them, especially if you want to maintain your leverage.
  • There’s been talk before that Kansas’s $4 billion subsidy offer to the Kansas City Chiefs for a new stadium in Kansas City, Kansas (their current stadium is in Kansas City, Missouri) could involve kicking in future city and county sales tax revenues as well as state sales taxes, and now it’s an official ask: Both Wyandotte County, where Kansas City, Kansas is located, and the city of Olathe, where the Chiefs’ new training facility would be built, are being asked to chip in their share of any rise in sales tax receipts to help pay the Chiefs’ construction bill. (I don’t think this changes the overall public price tag, just displaces some of the money the state might otherwise struggle to come up with.) Why the local governments would want to commit their own tax revenue to pay for something the state otherwise plans to build with its own funds, who knows, but Olathe councilmembers did call the training camp a “wonderful transformational project for us” and “a very exciting announcement,” so maybe the hope is local lawmakers will be so excited they’ll contribute to the project’s GoFundMe.
  • Unite Here Local 49 has estimated that those billboards the city of Sacramento is erecting and giving the revenue from to the Sacramento Republic F.C. owners could end up costing the city $115 million over 34 years — which would be worth less in present value, but also it looks like the union didn’t account for future inflation in billboard rates, so maybe not less in present value? Maybe we’ll find out in the year 2060, if man is still alive.
  • There are new renderings of the planned Washington Commanders stadium on the old RFK Stadium site, and they look kind of like a plus-sized version of the Saddledome, surrounded by a whole lot of garages and buildings strategically shown so all you can see are their green roofs. (No fireworks or entourage at all, Josh Harris isn’t blowing any of that $6.6 billion on the clip art budget.) One thing they don’t show: Any of the homes in the nearby neighborhood, or the grocery stores and other small businesses that residents say they would like to see built there, but aren’t hopeful anyone will be able to afford to once the stadium opens.
  • The Houston Texans just hired a chief revenue officer who last worked on the Buffalo Bills stadium project, guess we’re going to start hearing again about Texans owner Cal McNair’s desires for a new or upgraded stadium.
  • $50 million in public bonds for a cricket stadium? In Oswego? It’s all supposed to be covered by stadium revenue, but I can’t find confirmation in the (checks notes) Fox River Valley press. Anyway, I’m done, have a good holiday weekend, see you back here on Tuesday, if woman can survive.
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Illinois speaker who called $1B+ Bears subsidies “insensitive” now says they’d be okay, maybe

Illinois state officials are continuing to walk back their rhetoric against state funding for a Chicago Bears stadium, at least when it comes to infrastructure. Following Gov. JB Pritzker’s statement earlier this week that “we help private businesses all the time in the state, and I want to help” and that there’s “absolutely a way” Illinois could help with infrastructure, House Speaker Emanuel “Chris” Welch — who just last week said it was “insensitive” to talk about giving the Bears ownership money when people have real needs like rent and health care costs — said yesterday that he’d consider both infrastructure spending and tax breaks for a Bears stadium in Arlington Heights:

“I’m very happy to hear the Bears emphasizing that they’re going to pay for their own stadium. Infrastructure? We’ve always said that’s a conversation we’d love to have. That area needs infrastructure anyway. If it’s because the Bears are there, that’s a plus,” Welch said.

Calculating what’s actually infrastructure and what’s just a slush fund for stadium spending by another name is always a dodgy business. Local governments often (though not always) cover the costs of things like roads and sewer hookups for new developments, but past stadium deals have often taken an expansive view of what “infrastructure” means, including such things as new highways and new train stations and new bridges and new parking garages and even stadium foundations and stairs. (One memorable example from my neck of the woods: The $55 million minor-league baseball stadium that New York City built for the Brooklyn Cyclones in 2001 got the benefit of a new $282 million subway terminal that was approved at the same time; while the old station was certainly in need of repairs, it was also undeniably skipped to the head of the line because of the baseball team’s demands.) Bears execs have floated a staggering $855 million price tag for Arlington Heights infrastructure, including new highway ramps and relocating a Metra train station, something the Chicago Tribune editorial board summed up as beginning to “morph into subsidy.”

And, of course, the Bears owners aren’t just looking for state infrastructure (or “infrastructure”) spending, but also for “tax certainty,” by which they mean paying only what property taxes would be for an unimproved Arlington Heights property, not for one with a stadium and other development and giant bear statues on it. And Welch now says he’d be fine with that too, maybe probably:

“There’s a bill out there called PILOT, payment in lieu of taxes. That is a bill that has been percolating the General Assembly for about a year now and we’re having conversation around that. Certainly, if we can get something going on that, that would be helpful in the Bears staying here and staying in Arlington Heights,” Welch said.

That’s not really what PILOTs are — the term is just a catch-all for any agreement to exempt a property from taxes and accept side payments instead. But in this case, the bill under consideration would allow the Bears to pay less in PILOTs than they would normally pay in property taxes, which combined with the infrastructure demands would bring the public cost to well over $1 billion. That’s some serious morphing!

The context of all this, of course, is that Bears officials announced that they’d think about moving to Indiana if they could get stadium subsidies there, and even sent NFL commissioner Roger Goodell to go wander around there, as his job description entails. As for what actual Illinoisans think of all this stadium-costs-but-not-really spending, that’s not entirely clear, because nobody’s asking them in quite that detail. A new poll found that 58% of state voters think it’s important for the Bears to stay in Illinois, but also that 58% opposed using public funding to get them to stay. Would they count $1 billion in tax breaks and infrastructure spending as “public funding”? Crap, forgot to put that question in the poll, better try again. Or not — if state officials do decide they’re okay covering off-the-books stadium costs, it might be convenient not to know whether their constituents were opposed to it or not.

 

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Hidden subsidies cost taxpayers billions of dollars a year, yet elected officials keep pretending they’re not real money

University of Colorado Denver sports economist Geoffrey Propheter, who readers here should be very familiar with as it seems like I cite him every day or so, has an essay up today at The Conversation on how “privately funded” stadium and arena deals can often cost the public big money through subsidies that aren’t counted on the official cost ledger. Propheter estimates, for example, that property tax breaks — his specialty — “have cost state and local governments US$20 billion cumulatively over the life of teams’ leases, 42% of which would have gone to K-12 education.” Likewise, taxpayer spending on infrastructure and operating costs is often discounted, while counting team rent payments as private money ignores the value of the land or property that is being rented.

Put it all together, and you get all-time hidden-subsidy champions like the Washington Commanders stadium deal:

By way of example, the Council of the District of Columbia approved a subsidy agreement last year with the NFL’s Commanders. The stadium would be financed, constructed and operated by the team owner, who would pay $1 in rent per year and remit no property taxes. In exchange for financing the stadium privately, the owner receives exclusive development rights to 20 acres of land adjacent to the stadium for the next 90 years.

The stadium is expected to cost the owner $2.5 billion, with the city contributing $1.3 billion for infrastructure.

But the city also gives up market rental income between $6 billion and $25 billion,depending on future land appreciation rates, that it could make on the 20 acres.

In other words, the rent discount alone means the city gives up revenue equal to multiple stadiums in exchange for the Commanders providing one. It is as if the council has a Lamborghini, traded it straight up for a Honda Civic, and then praised themselves for their negotiation acumen that resulted in a “free” Civic.

The Lamborghini Effect is a great image, and one that really should be drilled into the heads of all elected officials who are faced with negotiating sports deals — which sooner or later is pretty much all elected officials. Already just this week, we’ve seen a bunch of political leaders who seem to be in need of reading Propheter’s warnings:

  • The Sacramento city council approved new city digital billboards whose revenue will all be siphoned off and given to the Republic FC owners to help pay for a new soccer stadium, even though nobody has any idea how much that will be. “These billboard leases are a giant hidden subsidy for the railyards developers,” UNITE HERE Local 49 Aamir Deen told CBS News. “It’s absurd to vote on this billboard deal without even knowing what you’re giving away.”
  • Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker, who in the ongoing Chicago Bears stadium talks has mostly been holding a hard line against “propping up what now is an $8.5 billion-valued business” with taxpayer dollars, reiterated that he doesn’t count infrastructure spending as a subsidy, because “we help private businesses all the time in the state, and I want to help” and “some of the infrastructure needs that the Bears are identifying” for their proposed Arlington Heights stadium are “projects that we were going to build at one point or another.”
  • Kansas Gov. Laura Kelly, in her final state of the state speech, gushed about her new Chiefs stadium deal that could end up costing state taxpayers a second-only-to-the-Commanders-record $4.1 billion according to Propheter’s projections, on the grounds that it won’t raise taxes or divert money from existing budget priorities — ignoring how it will divert billions of dollars from future budget priorities as tax revenue from a 300-square-mile swath of the state gets directed to Chiefs owner Clark Hunt’s bank account instead of the state treasury.

Some of these actions are more worrying than others: It’s still unclear whether Pritzker, in particular, will really be okay with the $855 million in infrastructure demands the Bears owners have levied, or if he’s just telegraphing that he’s open to the state covering a few minor expenses, so please don’t play footsie with Indiana without continuing to haggle with him. Either way, though, they’re all concerning signs that political leaders are continuing to divide public spending on private sports venues into two buckets, one marked “real tax dollars” and one “not really tax dollars because reasons” — and the latter can include pretty much anything from spending on everything around the stadium to handing over selected public revenue streams to just straight-up checks from the public treasury so long as they can be termed “no new taxes.” With elected antagonists like these, team owners don’t need friends — as we’re seeing when the largest stadium subsidies in history are being justified as not costing taxpayers anything. Not like that’s anything new, but when Propheter and I and a lot of other people have been pointing out the pitfalls of hidden sports subsidies for decades now, it’d be nice a few more people started at least acknowledging that public costs are public costs, now matter how team owners attempt to launder them.

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Rams owner demands $376m in city infrastructure money following ad board kerfuffle

Los Angeles Rams owner Stan Kroenke may have bucked modern trends by going and building a $5 billion stadium without asking for major taxpayer subsidies, but if there’s one thing about stadium deals, it’s that it’s never too late to make new demands. And so it is with Kroenke’s lawsuit against the city of Inglewood, where he’s claiming that the city owes him $376 million for roads, sewers, other infrastructure, and police and fire services that he says he fronted the cost of:

Kroenke’s companies argue the city must still reimburse them for $376 million in public improvements — payments the city counters it can’t make because there’s no valid development agreement.

“This isn’t about SoFi and what’s already been built,” said Louis “Skip” Miller, the city’s attorney. “It’s about public funds being paid to a private party going forward — for which the law requires a valid agreement.”

The legal battle actually started last spring, when Inglewood had the temerity to sign a contract to put up ad boards (the city calls them ad kiosks, Kroenke calls them billboards, this is apparently a key legal distinction) on the roads around the Rams stadium — something that Kroenke’s lawyers said would allow for “ambush marketing” by advertising to the same fans who Kroenke is offering in-stadium advertisers exclusive sponsorship rights to. The notion that fan eyeballs belong to the team from the moment their owners get in their cars until they arrive at the game is a novel twist on the Casino Night Fallacy, but as it turned out, it wouldn’t be tested in court: Judge Maurice Leiter ruled last August against granting an injunction to block the billboard contract on the grounds that Kroenke (and Clippers owner Steve Ballmer, who also sued over the ad signage) couldn’t show irreparable harm, then also (per Bloomberg, at least, the chain of rulings is a little confusing) ruled that the whole development agreement barring billboards near the stadium is unenforceable because it was “improperly enacted.”

We are now deep in the legal weeds, but what it looks like happened is this: Back in 2015, when the Rams’ move from St. Louis to Inglewood was first being negotiated, Kroenke chose to get the stadium development agreement adopted via a voter initiative, rather than being negotiated with the city — though the initiative never ended up voted on after the city council preempted it by approving the agreement themselves. Unfortunately for Kroenke, a state appeals court ruled in 2018 that development agreements are the sole purview of local legislative bodies, and can’t be approved by ballot initiative (though they can be modified by ballot referendum, which is a different thing in California). So once Inglewood Mayor James Butts realized that this could apply to the Rams deal, he informed Kroenke that sorry, Inglewood wasn’t bound by the 2015 agreement, the courts say so.

Kroenke then pivoted to suing over the infrastructure and public service costs — originally $100 million, now $376 million, no explanation given — that he said Inglewood had promised to reimburse him for once the stadium generated $25 million a year in tax revenue. Again unfortunately for Kroenke, that reimbursement was also promised in the development agreement, and Butts now says the appeals court ruling means the DA is “void,” so no payments will be forthcoming.

If all this sounds like Butts is trying to take advantage of a legal loophole to get out of paying Kroenke tax money, that seems like a correct interpretation — especially since the city council ended up approving the initiative, not voters. (Disclaimer: I am not a lawyer by any stretch of the imagination.) For his own part, Kroenke also may be trying to get away with something by inflating his costs from $100 million to $376 million. After much searching, I finally found an archived copy of the development agreement, but it doesn’t appear to spell out how “public infrastructure and improvement costs” are to be calculated, nor impose any obvious prohibitions on billboards.

The two lessons here: Even “privately funded” stadium deals can end up costing public money, and you never really know the full public cost until all the court paperwork has settled. No matter how this works out for Inglewood, those are important things for officials in other cities to remember as they negotiate their own deals.

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Do record-breaking Commanders and Chiefs deals mean other cities need to pay more for stadiums? An investimagation

Other news outlets are starting to pick up on what a crazy year this was for sports stadium deals: Just in the last couple of days we’ve had headlines reading “Sports stadium deals hand even more taxpayer money to billionaires” and “Public subsidies for stadiums are exploding.” The lessons that writers are taking from the eye-popping subsidy deals for the Washington Commanders and Kansas City Chiefs, though, are, uh, interesting.

Let’s start out with that first article, which ran on the nonprofit-owned Stateline news service. It noted the record-breaking numbers for the Commanders and Chiefs stadiums, then quoted sports economist Geoffrey Propheter as saying that these deals will end up doing a favor to other team owners seeking their own stadium deals, because “now teams can look at the Kansas deal and say, ‘Hey, what we’re asking for is not nearly as bad or as crazy or stupid as what Kansas is offering.’” It also quotes another stadium expert (that’d be me) as noting that in both cases, the elected officials who landed the stadium deals had been “negotiating against themselves,” since nobody else was offering the many billions of dollars that Kansas and D.C. ultimately came up with — and “the more they get away with that, the more their fellow owners are going to be emboldened to ask for the same thing.”

So far, so good: Because sports team owners often successfully employ the “all the other kids are doing it” argument, the Chiefs and Commanders deals are likely to lead to more multibillion-dollar stadium subsidy demands. But this brings us to article #2, by Tampa Bay Times columnist John Romano, which takes that conclusion to some unlikely places.

Romano is a weird one in the stadium coverage landscape: He’s been critical of Tampa Bay Rays ownership for demanding too much in stadium talks, but has also been an advocate for Rays stadium subsidies so long as they’re kept to a half billion dollars or so. Here, he takes the record-breaking stadium subsidies and runs with them, predicting that it could lead to a higher public price tag for a new Rays deal:

For the typical taxpayer on Main Street USA, the real culprit is your crazy neighbor in Kansas. Or Washington D.C. Or any number of other desperate municipalities.

We’re not talking about the actual cost of construction — which is significant and rising daily by itself — but the public funds/enticements that are being tossed around so towns can either lure or retain baseball, football, hockey and basketball teams.

The Chiefs and Commanders deals — and, for some reason, the Atlanta Braves deal with Cobb County, which Romano also throws into the mix — raise the prospect that “municipalities could recoup their initial investment with funds from property taxes on new construction, liquor taxes in new bars and restaurants, and a variety of other fees and taxes that would not otherwise exist without the project,” something Romano terms an “intriguing idea” before immediately noting that economists consider it “a load of hooey.” Still, there are “intangible” benefits from hosting a sports team, says Romano! Though “critics suggest that concept is also vastly overrated”! The answer must lie somewhere in the middle, or at least in just dumping the two arguments into a Word document and letting readers figure it out for themselves!

If Romano column is disappointingly bothsidesy when it comes to evaluating the alleged benefits of stadium deals, the headline it ran under put its finger definitively on the scale: The full hed is “Public subsidies for stadiums are exploding. Can Tampa Bay keep up?” That’s a very different question than whether “keeping up” is even worth it, and it makes it sound like the challenge here for elected officials is to find a way to meet the new stadium subsidy thresholds, regardless of whether they make any economic sense. After all, as Romano argues in his conclusion, it’s really all about what the guy next door is offering:

As history has shown, it only takes one desperate community armed with municipal bonds to completely change the landscape — and the zip code — of a baseball or football team.

Yeah, if Tampa Bay doesn’t come up with three or four or six billion dollars, the Chiefs and Commanders deals show that the Rays might … move to the next city over? Which would also be in Tampa Bay? “Cities are bidding more and more billions of dollars to secure stadium deals” is pretty obvious; “cities need to bid more and more billions of dollars to secure stadium deals” is a very different thing, especially when they’re bidding against themselves.

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